早稲田大学政治経済学部 傾向対策解答解説 2019

早稲田大学政治経済学部 傾向対策解答解説 2019

早稲田大学政治経済学部 傾向対策解答解説 2019

早稲田大学政治経済学部 傾向対策解答解説 2019

早稲田大学政治経済(政経)の英語過去問2019年の解答・解説・全訳です。早稲田大学の受験生の入試対策のためにプロ家庭教師が出題傾向を分析実況します。


【英語の試験構成 長文4本+英作文1本 読む力と書く力】
早稲田大学政治経済学部の英語の試験構成は、伝統的に長文読解4問(説明文3本+会話文1本)+英作文1問(自由英作文1問))で安定しています。読解力と文章力がそれぞれ区別して評価される正統派試験です。

【英語の出典 政治経済系大半】
早稲田大学政治経済学部の英語の出典は、政治経済についての文章が大半です。法規制などの理論を探求する文章と、経営学の実務的な問題に対処する文章が出題されます。政治経済の基本用語を日本語で理解したら、英語でもどのような用語となっているのか押さえておきたいです。

【自由英作文 100語以上】
早稲田大学政治経済学部の自由英作文は、100語以上の本格的な英作文です。文法力に加えて、構成力が求められます。

【プロ家庭教師 政治経済(政経)対策講座】
早稲田大学政治経済学部(政経)への合格対策カリキュラムを、プロ家庭教師に指導依頼できます。


【大学】:早稲田大学
【学部】:政治経済学部(政経)
【試験日程】:02月20日
【試験会場】:早稲田試験場・西早稲田試験場・戸山試験場から指定される
【募集定員】:525名(補欠合格者有)
【志願者数】:8000+名
【試験配点】:90点/230点満点
【試験時間】:90分
【検定料金】:35000円
【必要単語】:7000+語
【出題形式】:適語補充+文章理解+英作文
【解答形式】:記号選択(マークシート)+記述
【出題分野】:政治学 法権力 国際問題
【試験年度】:2019年



【大問】:1
【形式】:適語補充+文章理解
【表題】:料理外交・心をつかむためにパンを共にする Culinary Diplomacy: Breaking Bread to Win Hearts and Minds.
【作者】:サム・チャペル・ソコル Sam Chapple-Sokol
ここから
【対策】:説明文。長文を読み進めながら適語補充し、まとめて内容理解が問われます。文章内容は、国際的な存在感を示す方法として、料理外交に注目しています。タイ・韓国・台湾の三国が紹介され、料理外交は文化的な影響力を増す戦略であり、大国の軍事力・資源力とは対比されて議論されます。
【用語】:料理外交 ソフトパワー 文化資源
【目安時間】:20分

【大問】:2
【形式】:適語補充+文章理解
【表題】:情報非対称性・秘密と代理人 Information asymmetry Secrets and agents
【作者】:エコノミスト The Economist
【対策】:説明文。長文を読み進めながら適語補充し、まとめて内容理解が問われます。文章内容は、ノーベル経済学賞受賞者ジョージ・アーサー・アカロフのレモン市場の理論を、労働市場へ応用しています。レモン市場は、自動車販売市場の失敗を克服するためには、情報の非対称性を問題としていました。労働市場でも、情報の非対称性が注目されています。早稲田政治経済学部では、理論学説の理解力を求められます。対策として、経済学理論の基礎に触れておきたいです。
【用語】:レモン市場 情報の非対称性 逆選抜
【目安時間】:20分

【大問】:3
【形式】:適語補充+文章理解
【表題】:科学はどのように女性を誤解したか・新研究による物語の更新 Inferior: How Science Got Women Wrong -and the New Research That's Rewriting the Story Inferior
【作者】:アンジェラ・サイーニ Angela Saini
【対策】:説明文。長文を読み進めながら適語補充し、まとめて内容理解が問われます。文章内容は、脳科学の実験結果には、人間の恣意的な解釈の余地があり、女性の地位向上には役立っていないことが指摘されています。実証的な脳科学の研究は、近年、大学受験によく出題されるようになっています。
【用語】:脳科学 性差 ジェンダー
【目安時間】:20分

【大問】:4
【形式】:適語補充+文章理解
【表題】:ーーー
【作者】:ーーー
【対策】:会話文。会話文を読みながら空欄にふさわしい語句を補充します。場面は、船舶の乗組員と、灯台の管理者との会話です。対策として、英語独特の口語表現や慣用句をまとめておきましょう。
【用語】:慣用句 感情表現 不動産購入
【目安時間】:10分

【大問】:5
【形式】:自由英作文
【表題】:日本の大学生全員が最低でも1学期は海外留学すべきである Every university student in Japan should be required to study abroad for at least one semester
【作者】:ーーー
【対策】:自由英作文。例年お題が与えられ、英単語数100語以上の自由英作文が出題されます。受験生に明確な意見が求められ、理由を2つ以上述べる必要があります。2019年のお題は日本の大学生に留学は必須とすべきかどうかでした。10代の受験生にも身近な話題なので、肯定か否定化は、意見が述べやすかったはずです。なお、早稲田大学は公式には自由英作文に15分以内に仕上げるように指示を出していますが、実際には20分を目安にしたほうが良いでしょう。
【用語】:留学 海外経験 グローバル
【目安時間】:20分


早稲田政治経済 2019問題1

【大問1 読解問題】

Read this article and answer the questions below.

Promoting its own food culture can be an effective way for an under-recognized country to put itself on the map. The strength of a national culinary-diplomacy program is its use of soft power and cultural communication, which allow nations with less military, political, or economic strength to put their imprint on the world around them. Political scientist Józef Bátora writes that "for small and medium sized states, public diplomacy represents an opportunity to gain influence and shape international agenda in ways that go beyond their limited hard-power resources.”

This is exactly what has been happening over the past decade. So-called middle powers, mostly in Southeast Asia, have initiated culinary-diplomacy campaigns to lead their charge onto the world stage. The beginning of an internationally recognized use of culinary diplomacy took place in 2002-2003, when the government of Thailand launched a program called “Global Thai.” The stated mission of the project was to increase the number of Thai restaurants in the world. When the program was announced, The Economist suggested that more Thai restaurants would not just have economic effects, but that "it could subtly help to deepen relations with other countries."

The Thai government has also set up the "Thailand: Kitchen of the World” project. Run by the Foreign Office of the Government Public Relations Department, the campaign aims to teach about the history and practice of Thai food culture both in Thailand and abroad, as well as to give a special "Thailand's Brand” certificate to Thai restaurants abroad that satisfy the criteria of Thailand's Ministry of Commerce. This is nation branding at several levels - the government, in order to build up Thailand's reputation, has encouraged more Thai chefs to open restaurants abroad, but in order to maintain a certain level of quality, the government has also created a brand to certify restaurants. The program has been wildly successful: from 5,500 restaurants at the launch of the campaign to 9,000 by 2006 and to 13,000 in 2009.

The Global Thai and Kitchen of the World programs raise an obvious question about culinary diplomacy that may challenge its status as a purely cultural and political pursuit. With the clear goal of increasing the number of Thai restaurants worldwide, the Thai government was making an economic move-more Thai chefs working in foreign cities to support Thai communities overseas and purchasing Thai ingredients, thereby adding to the Thai economy. This aspect of culinary diplomacy is indeed present and is a major driving factor for many national programs. This economic aspect does not damage the cultural and diplomatic importance of the Global Thai program, however, nor of any culinary diplomacy program. With each new Thai restaurant, an unofficial embassy opens and a new opportunity for cultural diplomacy is established.

Seeing the success of Thailand's program, the government of South Korea decided to follow a similar path. This was the birth of "Kimchi Diplomacy"- a comprehensive set of programs focused on Korean food culture. ( A ) As is well known, kimchi has long been considered the country's national dish. This program-led by South Korea's Ministry for Food, Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries - aims to set standards with regard to Korean cooking methods and dish names, as well as to adopt a restaurant certification system like the Thailand's Brand program. South Korea's Vice Minister of Food emphasized the idea of the program by saying, “Ultimately, the plan aims to offer more and better opportunities for people across the world to enjoy hansik (Korean food) and understand Korean culture."

This government-level diplomacy has been paralleled at the citizen level by the many Koreans who have ( B ) abroad, covering countries like the United States with new forms of Korean food, such as the Korean taco. This invention has become a fashionable food abroad and has led more foreigners to enjoy Korean food than before. Paul Rockower, who popularized the phrase "Kimchi Diplomacy," has talked about this citizen diplomacy at length, criticizing the Korean government's campaign. His point indicates the current level of debate in this new world of culinary diplomacy: where and how should it progress? Should it take place at the formal, ( C ) level, or is it better left to ( D ) diplomats? Rockower suggests that a combination of the two would be ideal: government programs working from the top, as well as supporting grassroots culinary diplomacy, would create a complete and effective campaign.

The most recent example of a culinary-diplomacy campaign is one that is being undertaken by the government of Taiwan. Taiwan is a unique case because of its disputed international status. As such, traditional diplomacy is not as effective, for Taiwan is not a member of the United Nations and therefore does not have access to many means of conventional relations. As a result, Taiwan has worked to reach out via nontraditional means, including the use of culinary diplomacy. Taiwanese president Ma Ying-Jeou started a US$30-million program to, in the words of The Guardian newspaper, enable a "diplomatic drive to differentiate the country from its giant neighbor, China, and to end the perception that Taiwan is little more than the mass-production workshop of the world.”

The campaign includes the government hosting international cooking competitions, as well as sending Taiwanese chefs to contests abroad in an attempt to illustrate the aspects of the cuisine that are different from the international view of “Chinese” food. The government will also be establishing a "culinary think tank” to work with restaurants abroad to promote Taiwanese food. It is focusing special effort on bringing local Taiwanese cuisine to mainland China, in the hope of influencing the relationship between the two. Journalist Mark Caltonhill contrasts the Taiwanese campaign, which was launched on the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China (Taiwan), with the People's Republic of China's 60th-anniversary spending campaign, which featured tanks, missiles, and aircraft. Soft power rather than hard power, noodles rather than nuclear arms: the distinction is clear, and the path is set for middle powers to ( E ).

Sam Chapple-Sokol. Culinary Diplomacy: Breaking Bread to Win Hearts and Minds.



1 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. Southeast Asian countries started campaigns for culinary diplomacy because

(a) diplomats in Southeast Asian countries tended to know a great deal about their national cuisine.
(b) food was urgently needed in the very places where they most wanted to broaden their cultural influence.
(c) it fitted in with their diplomatic principle of not entering into the usual relations with other countries.
(d) it was believed that this would help improve their position in the world, given their relatively weak economic and military power.
(e) it was felt that since their military was strong enough, they should now concentrate on strengthening their cultural prestige abroad.


2 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. The writer suggests that the Thai programs of culinary diplomacy

(a) aim at adopting food-culture practices from around the world.
(b) discourage Thai citizens from looking for work overseas.
(c) improve the country's image but risk damaging its economy.
(d) produce economic as well as cultural and political benefits.
(e) require the purchase of national brands from other countries.

3 Choose the most suitable order of sentences from those below to fill in blank space (A).

(a) A kimchi institute was also established in order to create new types of this well-known dish.
(b) In April 2009, for example, the Korean government announced a US$44-million program called "Korean Cuisine to the World,” with a goal of making Korean food one of the five most popular ethnic cuisines in the world.
(c) The program included the goal of increasing the number of Korean restaurants abroad, as well as setting up cooking programs at international cooking schools such as Le Cordon Bleu and the Culinary Institute of America, and the promotion of talented Korean chefs.


4 Use the six words below to fill in blank space (B) in the best way. Indicate your choices for the second, fourth, and sixth positions.

(a) a
(b) left
(c) life
(d) new
(e) seek
(f) to


5 Choose the most suitable combination of answers from those below to fill in blank spaces (C) and (D).

(a) amateur---experienced
(b) international---retired
(c) local---government
(d) military---professional
(e) official---citizen


6 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. The campaign promoted by the government of Taiwan was intended to

(a) demonstrate the similarities between the culture of Taiwan and that of Thailand.
(b) ensure that the United Nations would protect Taiwan in a regional crisis.
(c) improve Taiwan's international prestige in relation to mainland China.
(d) seek membership for Taiwan in the United Nations at the earliest opportunity.
(e) strengthen Taiwan's image as the mass-production workshop of the world.


7 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to fill in blank space (E) in the best way.

(a) announce their presence on the world stage
(b) build up their military power to protect their borders
(c) distribute food to people around the world suffering from hunger
(d) further emphasize the value of hard power over soft power
(e) restore their reputation as powerful countries



早稲田政治経済 2019問題1 解答

【大問1 読解問題 解答】

1 (d)
2 (d)
3 1st (b) 2nd (c) 3rd (a)
4 2st (f) 4nd (a) 6th (c)
5 (e)
6 (c)

早稲田政治経済 2019問題1 解説

【大問1 読解問題 解説】
説明文。長文を読み進めながら適語補充し、まとめて内容理解が問われます。

文章内容は、国際的な存在感を示す方法として、料理外交に注目しています。

タイ・韓国・台湾の三国が紹介され、料理外交は文化的な影響力を増す戦略であり、大国の軍事力・資源力とは対比されて議論されます。

早稲田政治経済 2019問題1 完成文

【大問1 読解問題 完成文】

Read this article and answer the questions below.

Promoting its own food culture can be an effective way for an under-recognized country to put itself on the map. The strength of a national culinary-diplomacy program is its use of soft power and cultural communication, which allow nations with less military, political, or economic strength to put their imprint on the world around them. Political scientist Józef Bátora writes that "for small and medium sized states, public diplomacy represents an opportunity to gain influence and shape international agenda in ways that go beyond their limited hard-power resources.”

This is exactly what has been happening over the past decade. So-called middle powers, mostly in Southeast Asia, have initiated culinary-diplomacy campaigns to lead their charge onto the world stage. The beginning of an internationally recognized use of culinary diplomacy took place in 2002-2003, when the government of Thailand launched a program called “Global Thai.” The stated mission of the project was to increase the number of Thai restaurants in the world. When the program was announced, The Economist suggested that more Thai restaurants would not just have economic effects, but that "it could subtly help to deepen relations with other countries."

The Thai government has also set up the "Thailand: Kitchen of the World” project. Run by the Foreign Office of the Government Public Relations Department, the campaign aims to teach about the history and practice of Thai food culture both in Thailand and abroad, as well as to give a special "Thailand's Brand” certificate to Thai restaurants abroad that satisfy the criteria of Thailand's Ministry of Commerce. This is nation branding at several levels - the government, in order to build up Thailand's reputation, has encouraged more Thai chefs to open restaurants abroad, but in order to maintain a certain level of quality, the government has also created a brand to certify restaurants. The program has been wildly successful: from 5,500 restaurants at the launch of the campaign to 9,000 by 2006 and to 13,000 in 2009.

The Global Thai and Kitchen of the World programs raise an obvious question about culinary diplomacy that may challenge its status as a purely cultural and political pursuit. With the clear goal of increasing the number of Thai restaurants worldwide, the Thai government was making an economic move-more Thai chefs working in foreign cities to support Thai communities overseas and purchasing Thai ingredients, thereby adding to the Thai economy. This aspect of culinary diplomacy is indeed present and is a major driving factor for many national programs. This economic aspect does not damage the cultural and diplomatic importance of the Global Thai program, however, nor of any culinary diplomacy program. With each new Thai restaurant, an unofficial embassy opens and a new opportunity for cultural diplomacy is established.

Seeing the success of Thailand's program, the government of South Korea decided to follow a similar path. This was the birth of "Kimchi Diplomacy"- a comprehensive set of programs focused on Korean food culture. In April 2009, for example, the Korean government announced a US$44-million program called "Korean Cuisine to the World,” with a goal of making Korean food one of the five most popular ethnic cuisines in the world. The program included the goal of increasing the number of Korean restaurants abroad, as well as setting up cooking programs at international cooking schools such as Le Cordon Bleu and the Culinary Institute of America, and the promotion of talented Korean chefs. A kimchi institute was also established in order to create new types of this well-known dish. As is well known, kimchi has long been considered the country's national dish. This program-led by South Korea's Ministry for Food, Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries - aims to set standards with regard to Korean cooking methods and dish names, as well as to adopt a restaurant certification system like the Thailand's Brand program. South Korea's Vice Minister of Food emphasized the idea of the program by saying, “Ultimately, the plan aims to offer more and better opportunities for people across the world to enjoy hansik (Korean food) and understand Korean culture."

This government-level diplomacy has been paralleled at the citizen level by the many Koreans who have left to seek a new life abroad, covering countries like the United States with new forms of Korean food, such as the Korean taco. This invention has become a fashionable food abroad and has led more foreigners to enjoy Korean food than before. Paul Rockower, who popularized the phrase "Kimchi Diplomacy," has talked about this citizen diplomacy at length, criticizing the Korean government's campaign. His point indicates the current level of debate in this new world of culinary diplomacy: where and how should it progress? Should it take place at the formal, official level, or is it better left to citizen diplomats? Rockower suggests that a combination of the two would be ideal: government programs working from the top, as well as supporting grassroots culinary diplomacy, would create a complete and effective campaign.

The most recent example of a culinary-diplomacy campaign is one that is being undertaken by the government of Taiwan. Taiwan is a unique case because of its disputed international status. As such, traditional diplomacy is not as effective, for Taiwan is not a member of the United Nations and therefore does not have access to many means of conventional relations. As a result, Taiwan has worked to reach out via nontraditional means, including the use of culinary diplomacy. Taiwanese president Ma Ying-Jeou started a US$30-million program to, in the words of The Guardian newspaper, enable a "diplomatic drive to differentiate the country from its giant neighbor, China, and to end the perception that Taiwan is little more than the mass-production workshop of the world.”

The campaign includes the government hosting international cooking competitions, as well as sending Taiwanese chefs to contests abroad in an attempt to illustrate the aspects of the cuisine that are different from the international view of “Chinese” food. The government will also be establishing a "culinary think tank” to work with restaurants abroad to promote Taiwanese food. It is focusing special effort on bringing local Taiwanese cuisine to mainland China, in the hope of influencing the relationship between the two. Journalist Mark Caltonhill contrasts the Taiwanese campaign, which was launched on the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China (Taiwan), with the People's Republic of China's 60th-anniversary spending campaign, which featured tanks, missiles, and aircraft. Soft power rather than hard power, noodles rather than nuclear arms: the distinction is clear, and the path is set for middle powers to announce their presence on the world stage.

早稲田政治経済 2019問題1 全訳

【大問1 読解問題 全訳】
独自の食文化を促進することは、知名度の低い国が地図に載るのに効果的な方法です。国家の料理外交政策の強みは、非物理資源と文化交流の使用です。これにより、軍事力、政治力、または経済力の弱い国が周囲の世界に印象を与えることができます。政治学者のジョセフ・バトラーは「中小国にとって、公共外交は影響力を獲得し、限られた物理資源を超えた方法で、国際的目標を達成する機会を得られる」と書いています。

これはまさに過去10年間に起こってきたことです。東南アジアを中心とするいわゆる中ぐらいの国力は、世界舞台での彼らの活躍を先導するための、料理外交政策を開始しました。料理外交の国際的に知られた使用の始まりは、タイ政府が「グローバルタイ」と呼ばれる政策を開始した2002年から2003年に行われました。政策で宣言された使命は、世界のタイレストランの数を増やすことでした。計画が発表されたとき、エコノミストは、より多くのタイ料理レストランが経済効果を持つだけでなく「微妙に他国との関係を深めるのを助けることができる」と示唆しました。

タイ政府はまた「タイ:世界の台所」政策を立ち上げました。政府広報部の外務省が運営するこの政策は、タイと海外の両方で、タイの食文化の歴史と実践について教えることを目的としています。同時に、タイ商務省の基準を満たす海外のタイ料理レストランに特別な「タイブランド」証明書を授与します。これはいくつかの水準での国家ブランディングです。政府はタイの評判を築くために、より多くのタイ人シェフを海外にレストランを開店することを奨励しましたが、一定レベルの品質を維持するために、政府はレストランを認定するブランドも作成しました。この計画は大成功を収めています。政策開​​始時の5,000のレストランから、2006年までに9,000まで、2009年に13,000までになりました。

グローバルタイアンドキッチン世界計画は、料理外交に、明白な疑問を提起します。純粋な文化的および政治的地位の追及という考えは、挑戦を受けるかもしれない。世界中のタイレストランの数を増やすという明確な目標のもと、タイ政府は、海外のタイコミュニティを支援し、タイの食材を購入するために、外国の都市で働くタイ人シェフを経済的に動かすことで、タイ経済を強化しました。料理外交のこの側面は確かに存在し、多くの国家計画の主要な推進要因です。しかし、この経済的側面は、グローバルタイ計画の文化的および外交的重要性を損なうものではなく、料理外交政策を損なうものでもありません。新しいタイレストランごとに、非公式の大使館が開き、文化外交の新しい機会が確立されます。

タイの計画の成功を見て、韓国政府は同様の手法を採用すること決めました。これが韓国の食文化に焦点を当てた包括的な一連の計画である「キムチ外交」の誕生でした。例えば、2009年4月、韓国政府は、韓国料理を世界で最も人気のある民族料理の1つにすることを目標に、「世界への韓国料理」と呼ばれる44百万米ドルの計画を発表しました。海外の韓国料理店の数を増やすこと、ル・コルドン・ブルーやアメリカ料理研究所などの国際料理学校で料理計画を設定すること、才能のある韓国人シェフを促進することを目標としています。これらの有名料理に新種を開発すべく、キムチ機関もまた確立されました。よく知られているように、キムチは長い間、国民料理と考えられてきました。韓国の食糧農林水産省が主導するこの計画は、韓国料理の名称と手法の基準を設定することを目的とし、同時にタイのブランド計画のようなレストラン認証システムを採用しています。勧告の食糧農林水産省の副長官は、こう述べて、計画の思想を強調しました。「最終的に、この計画は、世界中の人々がハンシク(韓国料理)を楽しみ、韓国文化を理解するためのより良い機会を提供することを目指しています」

この政府水準の外交は、海外での新生活を求めて去った多くの韓国人による市民水準と平行し、韓国タコスなどの新形態の韓国料理を、米国のような国々に広めました。この発明は、海外のファッショナブルな食品になり、以前よりも多くの外国人が韓国料理を楽しむようになりました。 「キムチ外交」というフレーズを広めたポール・ロックワーは、韓国政府の政策を批判して、この市民外交について長々と語りました。彼の要点は、この料理外交の、新世界における現在の議論水準を、示しています。正式な、公的水準で実施すべきか、それとも市民外交に任せるべきなのでしょうか。ロックワーは、この2つの組み合わせが理想的であると提案しています。上からの政府政策の働きと同時に、草の根の料理外交の支援が、完全に効果的な政策を形成します。

料理外交政策の最新例は、台湾政府によって実施されているものです。台湾はその国際的地位に議論があるため、独特な事例です。そのため、台湾は国連加盟国ではないので、したがって、従来の多くの外交手段を利用できません。その結果、伝統的外交はそれほど効果的ではありません。その結果、台湾は、料理外交の使用を含む、非伝統的な手段を介して手を伸ばすように努めてきました。台湾の馬英九総統[台湾語でのpresidentは日本語で総統]は、3000万ドルの計画を開始しました。ガーディアン紙の言葉では「巨大な隣国である中国と差別化し、台湾が世界の生産工場でしかないという認識を終わらせるための、外交運動」を可能にする。

この政策には、政府主催の国際料理大会を含まれる他、台湾人シェフを海外大会に派遣して、「中華」料理の国際的な見方とは異なる料理の一面を見せようとしています。政府はまた、台湾料理を促進するために海外レストランと協力する「料理シンクタンク」を設立しました。中国本土に地元の台湾料理を持ち込むことに注力しており、両者の関係に影響を与えることを期待しています。記者のマーク・カールトンヒルは、中華民国(台湾)の創立100周年に開始された台湾の政策と、戦車、ミサイル、航空機を特色とする中華人民共和国の60周年記念政策とを、比較しています。

物理的な力よりも非物理的な力、権力と核兵器よりは麺類:区別は明確であり、世界舞台で、中ぐらいの国力は、彼らの存在感を示すための道筋が用意されています。

早稲田政治経済 2019問題2

【大問2 読解問題】

Read this article and answer the questions below.

In 2007, the state of Washington introduced a new rule aimed at making the labor market fairer: firms were banned from checking job applicants' credit scores-a measure of how reliable borrowers are when it comes to paying back money. Campaigners celebrated the new law as a step towards equality an applicant with a low credit score is much more likely to be poor, black, or young. Since then, 10 other states have done the same. But when Robert Clifford and Daniel Shoag, two economists, recently studied the bans, they found that the laws left blacks and the young with fewer jobs, not more.

Before 1970, economists would not have found much in their discipline to help them consider this puzzle. Indeed, they did not think very hard about the role of information at all. In the labor market, for example, the textbooks mostly assumed that employers know the productivity of their workers-or potential workers - and, thanks to competition, pay them for exactly the value of what they produce.

You might think that research challenging that conclusion would immediately be celebrated as an important breakthrough. Yet when, in the late 1960s, economist George Akerlof wrote “The Market for Lemons,” which did just that, and later won its author a Nobel Prize, the paper was rejected by three leading journals. At the time, Akerlof was an assistant professor at the University of California, Berkeley; he had only completed his doctoral degree in 1966. Perhaps as a result, the American Economic Review thought his paper's insights trivial. The Review of Economic Studies agreed. The Journal of Political Economy had almost the opposite concern: it found the paper's implications unacceptable. Akerlof recalls the editor's complaint: “If this is correct, economics would be different.”

In a way, the editors were all right. Akerlof's idea, eventually published in the Quarterly Journal of Economics in 1970, was at once simple and revolutionary. Suppose buyers in the used-car market value good cars - "peaches" - at 1,000 dollars, while sellers value them at slightly less. A poorly functioning used car a “lemon”– is worth only 500 dollars to buyers (and, again, slightly less to sellers). If buyers can tell peaches and lemons apart, trade in both will flourish. In reality, buyers might struggle to tell the difference: scratches can be repaired, engine problems left undisclosed, even odometers tampered with to change the numbers showing how far the car has traveled.

( A ) As a result, the buyers face "adverse selection”: the only sellers who will be prepared to accept 750 dollars will be those who know they are getting rid of a lemon.

Smart buyers can foresee this problem. Knowing they will only ever be sold a lemon, they offer only 500 dollars. Sellers of lemons end up with ( B ) if there were no ambiguity. But peaches stay in the garage. This is a tragedy: there are buyers who would happily pay the asking price for a peach, if only they could be sure of the car's quality. This difference in knowledge between buyers and sellers, what economists refer to as “information asymmetry,” kills the market.

Is it really true that you can win a Nobel Prize just for observing that some people in markets know more than others? That was exactly what one journalist asked of Michael Spence, who, along with Akerlof and Joseph Stiglitz, was a joint recipient of the 2001 Nobel award for their work on information asymmetry. The journalist's ( C ) was ( D ). The lemons paper was not even an accurate description of the used-car market: clearly not every used car sold is a lemon. And insurance companies had long recognized that their customers might be the best judges of what risks they faced, and that those keenest to obtain insurance were probably the riskiest bets.

Yet the idea was new to mainstream economists, who quickly realized that it made many of their models no longer useful. Further breakthroughs soon followed, as researchers examined how the asymmetry problem could be solved. Spence's vital contribution was a 1973 paper called “Job Market Signaling" that looked at the labor market. Employers may struggle to tell which job candidates are best. Spence showed that top workers might signal their talents to firms by collecting awards and qualifications like college degrees. Crucially, this only works if the signal is credible: if low-productivity workers found it easy to get a degree, then they could pretend to be clever types.

This idea reverses the usual interpretation. Education is usually thought to benefit society by making workers more productive. If it is merely a signal of talent, the benefits of investment in education flow to the students, who earn a higher wage at the expense of the less able, but not to society in general. (Spence himself regrets that others took his theory as a literal description of the world.)

Signaling helps explain what happened when Washington and those other states stopped firms from obtaining job applicants' credit scores. Credit history is a credible signal: it is hard to fake, and those with good credit scores are presumably more likely to make good employees than those who fail to pay their debts. Clifford and Shoag found that when firms could no longer access credit scores, they put more weight on other signals, like education and experience. Because these are rarer among disadvantaged groups, it became harder, not easier, for them to convince employers of their worth.

Signaling explains all kinds of behavior. Firms pay some of their profits to their shareholders, who must pay income tax on the payouts. Surely it would be better if they kept their profits, boosting their share prices, and thus increasing the value of their companies. Signaling solves the mystery: paying part of their profits to their shareholders is a sign of strength, showing that a firm feels no need to keep cash on hand. ( E ), a restaurant might deliberately locate itself in an area with high rents. This signals to potential customers that its food is of sufficient quality to appeal to those with the money to pay for it.

The Economist. Information asymmetry Secrets and agents.





1 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. The writer suggests that in economics as an academic discipline in the 1960s, scholars did not

(a) assume that people offering jobs knew a great deal about the productivity of their workers.
(b) believe that employers paid for the true value of what their workers produced.
(c) pay much attention to the importance of information in understanding economic activity.
(d) study state laws that had left blacks and the young with less work.
(e) use the sort of textbooks that taught their students about the labor market.


2 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. One reason given for the rejection of Akerlof's paper was that

(a) Akerlof had not yet started working at a university.
(b) all of the editors found the content too difficult to understand.
(c) it reached conclusions that very few economists would support.
(d) the journals did not want to publish a paper that had previously been published.
(e) the research was not important enough to be considered for a Nobel Prize.


3 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. The writer suggests that car buyers might find it hard to tell the difference between a peach and a lemon because

(a) a lemon is so much cheaper than a peach.
(b) both good and bad cars encourage trade to flourish.
(c) cars can be made to appear much better than they really are.
(d) peaches sometimes have problems that remain undisclosed.
(e) the used-car market includes only cars that do not function well.


4 Choose the most suitable order of sentences from those below to fill in blank space (A).

(a) But dealers who know for sure they have a peach will reject such an offer.
(b) They might be willing to pay, say, 750 dollars for a car they perceive as having an even chance of
being a lemon or a peach.
(c) To account for the risk that a car is a lemon, buyers cut their offers.


5 Use the seven words below to fill in blank space (B) in the best way. Indicate your choices for the second, fourth, and sixth positions.

(a) as
(b) have
(c) price
(d) same
(e) the
(f) they
(g) would


6 Choose the most suitable combination of answers from those below to fill in blank spaces (C) and (D).

(a) argument-laughable
(b) observation-manageable
(c) opinion-believable
(d) position-suitable
(e) question-understandable


7 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. The reason for the failure of the new rule to make a fairer labor market was that

(a) a worker's experience came to be seen as the most important part of a job application.
(b) firms had to rely on signals that were less favorable than credit scores to disadvantaged
groups.
(c) job applicants credit scores began to play an increasingly important role in the labor market.
(d) people who failed to pay their debts were seen as less likely to be good employees.
(e) the value of education was not sufficiently recognized by firms looking for new workers.


8 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to fill in blank space (E).

(a) Gradually
(b) Hopefully
(c) Obviously
(d) Similarly
(e) Thankfully



早稲田政治経済 2019問題2 解答

【大問2 読解問題 解答】

1 (c)
2 (c)
3 (c)
4 1st (c)  2nd (b)  3rd (a)
5 2nd (d)  4th (a)  6th (g)
6 (e)
7 (b)
8 (d)

早稲田政治経済 2019問題2 解説

【大問2 読解問題 解説】

説明文。長文を読み進めながら適語補充し、まとめて内容理解が問われます。

文章内容は、ノーベル経済学賞受賞者ジョージ・アーサー・アカロフのレモン市場の理論を、労働市場へ応用しています。レモン市場は、自動車販売市場の失敗を克服するためには、情報の非対称性を問題としていました。労働市場でも、情報の非対称性が注目されています。

早稲田政治経済学部では、理論学説の理解力を求められます。対策として、経済学理論の基礎に触れておきたいです。

【重要表現】

journal ジャーナル 雑誌 意味解説例文

trivial トリビアル 取るに足らない 意味例文

applicant アプリカント 応募者 意味例文

tamper タンパー 改竄する 意味解説例文

早稲田政治経済 2019問題2 完成文

【大問2 読解問題 完成文】

Read this article and answer the questions below.

In 2007, the state of Washington introduced a new rule aimed at making the labor market fairer: firms were banned from checking job applicants' credit scores-a measure of how reliable borrowers are when it comes to paying back money. Campaigners celebrated the new law as a step towards equality an applicant with a low credit score is much more likely to be poor, black, or young. Since then, 10 other states have done the same. But when Robert Clifford and Daniel Shoag, two economists, recently studied the bans, they found that the laws left blacks and the young with fewer jobs, not more.

Before 1970, economists would not have found much in their discipline to help them consider this puzzle. Indeed, they did not think very hard about the role of information at all. In the labor market, for example, the textbooks mostly assumed that employers know the productivity of their workers-or potential workers - and, thanks to competition, pay them for exactly the value of what they produce.

You might think that research challenging that conclusion would immediately be celebrated as an important breakthrough. Yet when, in the late 1960s, economist George Akerlof wrote “The Market for Lemons,” which did just that, and later won its author a Nobel Prize, the paper was rejected by three leading journals. At the time, Akerlof was an assistant professor at the University of California, Berkeley; he had only completed his doctoral degree in 1966. Perhaps as a result, the American Economic Review thought his paper's insights trivial. The Review of Economic Studies agreed. The Journal of Political Economy had almost the opposite concern: it found the paper's implications unacceptable. Akerlof recalls the editor's complaint: “If this is correct, economics would be different.”

In a way, the editors were all right. Akerlof's idea, eventually published in the Quarterly Journal of Economics in 1970, was at once simple and revolutionary. Suppose buyers in the used-car market value good cars - "peaches" - at 1,000 dollars, while sellers value them at slightly less. A poorly functioning used car a “lemon”– is worth only 500 dollars to buyers (and, again, slightly less to sellers). If buyers can tell peaches and lemons apart, trade in both will flourish. In reality, buyers might struggle to tell the difference: scratches can be repaired, engine problems left undisclosed, even odometers tampered with to change the numbers showing how far the car has traveled.

To account for the risk that a car is a lemon, buyers cut their offers. They might be willing to pay, say, 750 dollars for a car they perceive as having an even chance of being a lemon or a peach. But dealers who know for sure they have a peach will reject such an offer. As a result, the buyers face "adverse selection”: the only sellers who will be prepared to accept 750 dollars will be those who know they are getting rid of a lemon.

Smart buyers can foresee this problem. Knowing they will only ever be sold a lemon, they offer only 500 dollars. Sellers of lemons end up with the same price they would have if there were no ambiguity. But peaches stay in the garage. This is a tragedy: there are buyers who would happily pay the asking price for a peach, if only they could be sure of the car's quality. This difference in knowledge between buyers and sellers, what economists refer to as “information asymmetry,” kills the market.

Is it really true that you can win a Nobel Prize just for observing that some people in markets know more than others? That was exactly what one journalist asked of Michael Spence, who, along with Akerlof and Joseph Stiglitz, was a joint recipient of the 2001 Nobel award for their work on information asymmetry. The journalist's question was understandable. The lemons paper was not even an accurate description of the used-car market: clearly not every used car sold is a lemon. And insurance companies had long recognized that their customers might be the best judges of what risks they faced, and that those keenest to obtain insurance were probably the riskiest bets.

Yet the idea was new to mainstream economists, who quickly realized that it made many of their models no longer useful. Further breakthroughs soon followed, as researchers examined how the asymmetry problem could be solved. Spence's vital contribution was a 1973 paper called “Job Market Signaling" that looked at the labor market. Employers may struggle to tell which job candidates are best. Spence showed that top workers might signal their talents to firms by collecting awards and qualifications like college degrees. Crucially, this only works if the signal is credible: if low-productivity workers found it easy to get a degree, then they could pretend to be clever types.

This idea reverses the usual interpretation. Education is usually thought to benefit society by making workers more productive. If it is merely a signal of talent, the benefits of investment in education flow to the students, who earn a higher wage at the expense of the less able, but not to society in general. (Spence himself regrets that others took his theory as a literal description of the world.)

Signaling helps explain what happened when Washington and those other states stopped firms from obtaining job applicants' credit scores. Credit history is a credible signal: it is hard to fake, and those with good credit scores are presumably more likely to make good employees than those who fail to pay their debts. Clifford and Shoag found that when firms could no longer access credit scores, they put more weight on other signals, like education and experience. Because these are rarer among disadvantaged groups, it became harder, not easier, for them to convince employers of their worth.

Signaling explains all kinds of behavior. Firms pay some of their profits to their shareholders, who must pay income tax on the payouts. Surely it would be better if they kept their profits, boosting their share prices, and thus increasing the value of their companies. Signaling solves the mystery: paying part of their profits to their shareholders is a sign of strength, showing that a firm feels no need to keep cash on hand. Similarly, a restaurant might deliberately locate itself in an area with high rents. This signals to potential customers that its food is of sufficient quality to appeal to those with the money to pay for it.

早稲田政治経済 2019問題2 全訳

【大問2 読解問題 全訳】

1970年以前、経済学者は、自分の研究領域に、この謎を検討するのに役立つものに、あまり多くは気づいていなかったでしょう。確かに、彼らは情報の役割について、あまり真剣には考えていませんでした。例えば、労働市場において、雇用者は労働者(または潜在的な労働者)の生産性を知っていることを、教科書ではほぼ前提としていました。市場競争のおかげで、彼らが生産するものの価値に、正確に合わせて、賃金を支払います。

その結論に挑戦する研究は、重要な突破口として、すぐに称賛されると、あなたは思うかもしれません。しかし1960年代後半、経済学者のジョージ・アカロフが「レモン市場」を論文執筆し、それがまさしく[突破口を]を成し、その後には著者がノーベル賞を受賞したのだが、その論文は3つの主要な学術雑誌に掲載を否定されました。当時、アカロフはカリフォルニア大学バークレー校の助教授でした。彼は1966年にやっと博士号を取得しました。おそらくその結果として、アメリカン・エコノミック・レビュー[学術雑誌の名前]は、彼の論文の洞察は取るに足りないものだと考えました。アメリカン・エコノミック・レビューは同意しました。ジャーナル・オブ・ポリティカルエコノミー[学術雑誌の名前]は、ほぼ反対の懸念を抱いていました。つまり、この論文の示唆は、受け入れられないものであることがわかりました。アカロフは、編集者の苦情を思い出します。「もしこれが正しければ、経済学は異なるものになるでしょう」

ある意味では、編集者には問題がありませんでした。1970年にクォータリー・ジャーナル・オブ・エコノミクス[これも学術雑誌の名前]に最終的に発表されたアカロフの知見は、簡単であると同時に革新的でした。中古車市場の買手は良い車、いわゆる「ピーチ」を、1000ドルの評価額とし、売手にとってはそれらはわずかに低い評価額とします。買い手にとって、機能低下した中古車、いわゆる「レモン」は、たった500ドルの評価額になります(売り手にとっても、同じように、わずかに少ない評価額とします)。買手がピーチとレモンを区別できる場合、両者の取引は活発になります。現実には、買手は違いを見分けるのに苦労するかもしれません。傷は修理することができますし、エンジンの不調は未公開のままで、走行距離計さえも、車がどれだけ移動したかを示す数値を変更するために、改竄されます。

車がレモンであるという危険性に対応して、買手は購入価格を削減しました。彼らは、レモンかピーチの可能性が均等にあると感じている車に対して、例えば、750ドルなら支払ってもいいかもしれません。しかし、確実にピーチだと知っている売手は、そのような購入金額を拒否します。その結果、買い手は「逆選択」に直面します。750ドル[の購入金額]を受け入れる準備ができる売手は、レモンを売りさばけると知っている人間だけです。

賢い買手はこの問題を予見できます。レモンだけが売られることを知って、彼らはたったの500ドルの購入金額を提示します。レモンの売手は、曖昧さがなければ同じ価格に落ち着きます。しかし、ピーチは車庫に[取引されずに]残ります。これは悲劇です。車の品質を確信できれば、ピーチの価格を喜んで支払う買手がいます。経済学者が「情報の非対称性」と呼んでいるもので、買手と売手の情報格差は、市場を破壊します。

市場の一部の人々が、他の人々よりも多くを知っていることを観察するだけで、ノーベル賞を受賞できるというのは本当に本当でしょうか。それはまさに、ある報道記者がマイケル・スペンスに尋ねたものであり、マイケル・スペンスは、アカロフとジョセフ・スティグリッツとともに、情報の非対称性についての彼らの研究に対する、2001年ノーベル賞の共同受賞者でした。ジャーナリストの質問は理解できました。レモン市場の論文は、中古車市場の正確な描写ではありませんでした。明らかに、販売されているすべての中古車がレモンであるわけではありません。そして、保険会社は長い間、顧客は直面している危険性についての最高の判断者であり、もっとも保険を取得したがっている者は最もリスクの高い賭金[つまり保険会社に損失を与える]と認識していました。

一方では、この知見は主流の経済学者にとっては新しいものであり、多くの理論がもはや役に立たないことに、すぐに気づきました。研究者が非対称性の問題をどのように解決できるかを調査したため、さらなる突破口は、すぐに続きました。スペンスの重要な貢献は、労働市場に注目した「労働市場情報発信」と呼ばれる1993年の論文でした。雇用主は、どの求職者が最適かを判断するのに、苦労する場合があります。スペンスは、優良社員が大学学位のような品質管理や受賞履歴を集めて、彼らの才能を会社へ情報発信するであろうことを、示しました。決定的なのは、これ[労働市場情報発信]は、発信が信頼できる場合にのみ機能します。生産性の低い労働者が学位取得が簡単だとわかった場合、彼らは賢い人達のふりをすることができます。

この考えは、通常の解釈を逆にします。教育は通常、労働者の生産性を高めることで社会に利益をもたらすと考えられています。それが単に才能の情報発信であるならば、教育投資の恩恵は学生に流れ、その学生はより貧しい人々を犠牲にしてより高い賃金を稼ぎますが、一般的には社会に恩恵はありません。(スペンス自身は、他の人が彼の理論を、世の中の説明として受け取ったとして後悔しています)

情報発信は、ワシントン及びその他の州が、企業による求職者の信用得点を取得するのを止めたときに、何が起こったかを説明するのに役立ちます。信用履歴は、信頼できる情報発信です。偽造するのは難しく、信用得点の高い人は、借金を返済しない人よりも、良い従業員になる可能性が高いです。クリフォードとシャオグは、企業が信用得点を入手できなくなると、教育や職歴などの他の情報発信に、より重点を置くことに気付きました。これらは不利な立場にある集団の間にはまれな[属性である]ので、雇用主に彼らの[労働者としての]価値を納得させることは、より容易になるどころか、より難しくなりました。

情報発信は、あらゆる種類の行動を説明します。企業は、利益の一部を株主に支払います。株主は、支払いに対して所得税を支払う必要があります。[株主に支払をしないで]利益金を保持して、株価を上げ、それによって会社の価値を高めることができれば、もっと良いでしょう。情報発信は、この謎を解決します。利益の一部を株主に支払うことは、強さの表現であり、企業が現金を手元に置く必要がないと感じていることを示しています。同様に、レストランは意図的に高い家賃のある地域に位置する場合があります。これは、潜在顧客に、その食事が、その代価を払うお金を持つ人々に訴えるのに、十分な品質のものであることを知らせます。

早稲田政治経済 2019問題3

【大問3 読解問題】

Read this article and answer the questions below.

“This is an eighteenth-, nineteenth-century problem. We really shouldn't be talking in these terms. I don't know why we're still doing it," complains Gina Rippon, professor of cognitive neuroimaging-using machines to produce images of brain activity-at Aston University, in Birmingham. She is one of a small but growing number of scientists, psychologists, and gender experts scattered across the globe who are challenging claims that brains show significant sex differences.

Rippon became interested in sex and gender when she was teaching courses on women and mental health at the University of Warwick, where she spent twenty-five years. More women than men tend to suffer from depression or have eating disorders, and she found that, time and again, their illnesses were being explained in course readings in terms of something innate, rather than something that developed through social relations. She was convinced that there were social reasons for such mental problems. This sparked an interest in how biological explanations are used and misused, particularly when it comes to women.

When she arrived at Aston University in 2000 and started working in neuroimaging, she decided to take a look at how the latest powerful imaging techniques were being used in research on women. Technologies like electroencephalography had already been used for almost a century to study electrical signals from the brain. But during the 1990s, magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) -a technique that allows changes in brain activity to be tracked by measuring which areas see more blood flow-utterly transformed the field. There was an explosion of new studies, many of which came with eye-catchingly colorful pictures of the brain.

Despite the promise of this new technology, the pictures it painted weren't always pretty. Especially for women. “I did a review in 2008 of where we were going with the emerging brain-imaging story and gender differences, and I was shocked,” says Rippon. Studies saw sex differences in the brain when it came to almost everything. Examples included mental tasks, listening to someone read, responding to psychological stress, experiencing emotion, eating chocolate, looking at erotic photos, and even smelling. One claimed that the brains of homosexual men ( A ) the brains of straight women than with those of straight men. “I just got drawn into it because I thought this is shocking, that it is being used in exactly the same way as people in the past saying women shouldn't go to university because it will mess up their reproductive systems," she tells me.

Rippon wasn't the only one raising her eyebrows at some of these brain studies. MRI produces pictures that are problematic. They can easily be affected by noise and false positives. In terms of image quality, the best resolution it can reach is a cubic millimeter or so, and with many machines it's considerably less. This may sound like a tiny volume, but is in fact vast when it comes to an organ as dense as the brain. Just one cubic millimeter can contain around a hundred thousand nerve cells, and a billion connections. Given these limitations, some in the scientific community ( B ) that they might be reading too much into brain scans.

All over the world, what started as quiet criticism increased in volume. In 2005, Craig Bennett, then a first-year graduate student at Dartmouth College, in New Hampshire, carried out an equipment test that happened to reveal how it might be possible to read just about anything into a brain scan. As a joke, he and a colleague tried to find the most unusual objects they could fit inside an MRI machine, to help prepare it before their serious scientific work began. ( C ) The dead fish's brain.

Amusing though the salmon experiment was, it highlighted what some saw as a far more serious problem in neuroscience. Eight years after Bennett's fish trick, the journal Nature Reviews Neuroscience published an analysis of neuroscience studies and reached the damaging conclusion that questionable research practices were leading to unreliable results. “It has been claimed and demonstrated that many (and possibly most) of the conclusions drawn from biomedical research are probably false," the article began.

The authors explained that one of the big complications is that scientists are under enormous pressure to publish their work, and journals tend to publish results that appear statistically significant. If there's no big effect, a journal is less likely to be interested. "As a consequence, researchers have strong incentives to engage in research practices that make their findings publishable quickly, even if those practices reduce the likelihood that the findings reflect a true effect,” they continued. In other words, scientists were being pressured to do bad research, including using small samples of people or exaggerating real effects, so they could seem to have interesting results.

Paul Matthews, the head of brain sciences at Imperial College London, admits that in the early days of MRI, many researchers-himself included - were caught out by unintentionally bad interpretations of data. “The errors that have been made have been fundamental statistical errors. We've all made them," he says. “I'm more careful about it now, but I've made them, too. It's a very embarrassing thing. It's born of this strong drive to get results from whatever work one's completed because one can't do any more. Most people, if not the overwhelming majority, don't intend to cheat. What they tend to do is get excited because of exploration and they misstate the degree to which they're exploring the data or the meaningfulness of the outcomes."

The problem has at least been recognized. Even so, Rippon believes that sex-difference research continues to suffer from bad research because it remains such a hot topic. For scientists and journals, an interesting study on sex difference can equal instant global publicity.

The vast majority of experiments and studies show no sex difference, she says. But they're not the ones that get published. “I describe this as an iceberg. You get the bit above the water, which is the smallest but most visible part, because it's easy to get studies published in this area. But then there's this huge amount under the water where people haven't found any differences.” People end up seeing only the tip of the iceberg - the studies that seem to confirm sex differences.

Angela Saini. Inferior: How Science Got Women Wrong and the New Research That's Rewriting the Story Inferior




1 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. Rippon was first attracted to research on sex and gender because she

(a) found conflicting views on sex differences among the students at her university.
(b) had many students who asked her if depression and eating disorders were common among men.
(c) no longer found that her beliefs about sex differences explained ongoing problems.
(d) realized that what she found in teaching materials did not agree with what she believed.
(e) was asked by her university to create new courses on women and mental health.


2 Use six of the seven words below to fill in blank space (A) in the best way. Indicate your choices for the second, fourth, and sixth positions.

(a) common
(b) had
(c) in
(d) more
(e) much
(f) were
(g) with


3 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to fill in blank space (B).

(a) asked to be informed
(b) began to be concerned
(c) failed to be persuaded
(d) tried to be optimistic
(e) wanted to be sure


4 Choose the most suitable order of sentences from those below to fill in blank space (C).

(a) A few years later, when Bennett was looking for evidence of false positives in brain imaging, he dug out this old scan of the salmon.
(b) Proving the critics right and showing how even the best technologies can mislead, it showed three small red areas of activity close together in the middle of the fish's brain.
(c) They started with a pumpkin and ended with a dead, eighteen-inch-long, mature Atlantic salmon wrapped in plastic.


5 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. According to the analysis published by Nature Reviews Neuroscience, neuroscientists have difficulty getting the results of their research published because

(a) journals tend to reject papers that do not have significant findings.
(b) neuroscience is more complicated than most other areas of research.
(c) the pressures scientists are under are too big to be ignored.
(d) their conclusions are often seen as being too dramatic.
(e) too many experiments have been conducted using small samples of people.


6 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. According to Matthews, errors in the interpretation of data

(a) are more often than not intentional in his field of research.
(b) cannot be detected if statistical methods are employed.
(c) may occur when researchers are desperate for results.
(d) need not result in embarrassment if they are accidental.
(e) tend to decrease in number when scientists are highly motivated.


7 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. Rippon uses the image of an iceberg to argue that

(a) large samples have to be used to make experiments reliable.
(b) many journals are eager to publish research in neuroscience.
(c) the best research is based on the most solid foundation.
(d) the more careful the research, the more likely it is to be published.
(e) very few research results actually show sex differences.

早稲田政治経済 2019問題3 解答

【大問3 読解問題 解答】

1 (d)
2 2nd (e) 4th (c) 6th (g)
3 (b)
4 1st (c) 2nd (a) 3rd (b)
5 (a)
6 (c)
7 (e)

早稲田政治経済 2019問題3 解説

【大問3 読解問題 解説】

説明文。長文を読み進めながら適語補充し、まとめて内容理解が問われます。

文章内容は、脳科学の実験結果には、人間の恣意的な解釈の余地があり、女性の地位向上には役立っていないことが指摘されています。実証的な脳科学の研究は、近年、大学受験によく出題されるようになっています。


【重要表現】

sexとgenderの同じ・違い・解説例文

raise one's eyebrow 驚き疑う 意味解説例文

Magnetic Resonance Imaging(MRI) 磁気共鳴画像法とは、脳内の磁気活動
を、水素原子を通じて測定する技術です。脳は活動に伴い、血流が変化することが知られており、血流変化と水素原子から、脳がどのような状態にあるのか推測できます。

Electroencephalograph 電気脳波検査(でんきのうけんさ) 脳内の電気活動を、電極を通じて測定する技術です。脳波計とも呼ばれます。脳は活動に伴い、電流が変化することが知られており、電流変化から、脳がどのような状態にあるのか推測できます。



【参考文献】


早稲田政治経済 2019問題3 完成文

【大問3 読解問題 完成文】
“This is an eighteenth-, nineteenth-century problem. We really shouldn't be talking in these terms. I don't know why we're still doing it," complains Gina Rippon, professor of cognitive neuroimaging-using machines to produce images of brain activity-at Aston University, in Birmingham. She is one of a small but growing number of scientists, psychologists, and gender experts scattered across the globe who are challenging claims that brains show significant sex differences.

Rippon became interested in sex and gender when she was teaching courses on women and mental health at the University of Warwick, where she spent twenty-five years. More women than men tend to suffer from depression or have eating disorders, and she found that, time and again, their illnesses were being explained in course readings in terms of something innate, rather than something that developed through social relations. She was convinced that there were social reasons for such mental problems. This sparked an interest in how biological explanations are used and misused, particularly when it comes to women.

When she arrived at Aston University in 2000 and started working in neuroimaging, she decided to take a look at how the latest powerful imaging techniques were being used in research on women. Technologies like electroencephalography had already been used for almost a century to study electrical signals from the brain. But during the 1990s, magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) -a technique that allows changes in brain activity to be tracked by measuring which areas see more blood flow-utterly transformed the field. There was an explosion of new studies, many of which came with eye-catchingly colorful pictures of the brain.

Despite the promise of this new technology, the pictures it painted weren't always pretty. Especially for women. “I did a review in 2008 of where we were going with the emerging brain-imaging story and gender differences, and I was shocked,” says Rippon. Studies saw sex differences in the brain when it came to almost everything. Examples included mental tasks, listening to someone read, responding to psychological stress, experiencing emotion, eating chocolate, looking at erotic photos, and even smelling. One claimed that the brains of homosexual men had much more in common with the brains of straight women than with those of straight men. “I just got drawn into it because I thought this is shocking, that it is being used in exactly the same way as people in the past saying women shouldn't go to university because it will mess up their reproductive systems," she tells me.

Rippon wasn't the only one raising her eyebrows at some of these brain studies. MRI produces pictures that are problematic. They can easily be affected by noise and false positives. In terms of image quality, the best resolution it can reach is a cubic millimeter or so, and with many machines it's considerably less. This may sound like a tiny volume, but is in fact vast when it comes to an organ as dense as the brain. Just one cubic millimeter can contain around a hundred thousand nerve cells, and a billion connections. Given these limitations, some in the scientific community began to be concerned that they might be reading too much into brain scans.

All over the world, what started as quiet criticism increased in volume. In 2005, Craig Bennett, then a first-year graduate student at Dartmouth College, in New Hampshire, carried out an equipment test that happened to reveal how it might be possible to read just about anything into a brain scan. As a joke, he and a colleague tried to find the most unusual objects they could fit inside an MRI machine, to help prepare it before their serious scientific work began. They started with a pumpkin and ended with a dead, eighteen-inch-long, mature Atlantic salmon wrapped in plastic. A few years later, when Bennett was looking for evidence of false positives in brain imaging, he dug out this old scan of the salmon. Proving the critics right and showing how even the best technologies can mislead, it showed three small red areas of activity close together in the middle of the fish's brain. The dead fish's brain.

Amusing though the salmon experiment was, it highlighted what some saw as a far more serious problem in neuroscience. Eight years after Bennett's fish trick, the journal Nature Reviews Neuroscience published an analysis of neuroscience studies and reached the damaging conclusion that questionable research practices were leading to unreliable results. “It has been claimed and demonstrated that many (and possibly most) of the conclusions drawn from biomedical research are probably false," the article began.

The authors explained that one of the big complications is that scientists are under enormous pressure to publish their work, and journals tend to publish results that appear statistically significant. If there's no big effect, a journal is less likely to be interested. "As a consequence, researchers have strong incentives to engage in research practices that make their findings publishable quickly, even if those practices reduce the likelihood that the findings reflect a true effect,” they continued. In other words, scientists were being pressured to do bad research, including using small samples of people or exaggerating real effects, so they could seem to have interesting results.

Paul Matthews, the head of brain sciences at Imperial College London, admits that in the early days of MRI, many researchers-himself included - were caught out by unintentionally bad interpretations of data. “The errors that have been made have been fundamental statistical errors. We've all made them," he says. “I'm more careful about it now, but I've made them, too. It's a very embarrassing thing. It's born of this strong drive to get results from whatever work one's completed because one can't do any more. Most people, if not the overwhelming majority, don't intend to cheat. What they tend to do is get excited because of exploration and they misstate the degree to which they're exploring the data or the meaningfulness of the outcomes."

The problem has at least been recognized. Even so, Rippon believes that sex-difference research continues to suffer from bad research because it remains such a hot topic. For scientists and journals, an interesting study on sex difference can equal instant global publicity.

The vast majority of experiments and studies show no sex difference, she says. But they're not the ones that get published. “I describe this as an iceberg. You get the bit above the water, which is the smallest but most visible part, because it's easy to get studies published in this area. But then there's this huge amount under the water where people haven't found any differences.” People end up seeing only the tip of the iceberg - the studies that seem to confirm sex differences.

早稲田政治経済 2019問題3 全訳

【大問3 読解問題 全訳】


「これは18世紀、19世紀の問題です。私たちは本当にこれらの用語で話すべきではありません。どうして私たちが続けているのか、私にはわかりません」ジーナ・リポンは、不満を漏らします。彼女は、バーミンガムのアストン大学で、脳活動画像を生成するための認知神経機械の教授で、少数ながらも増加している科学者[集団]の一人です。科学者、心理学者、ジェンダー専門家たちは、地球上に広がり、脳には重大な性差があるという主張に、挑戦しています。

リポンは、25年を過ごしたウォーリック大学で女性と精神衛生の講座を指導していたときに、性別とジェンダーに興味を持ちました。男性よりも女性の方が、ウツ病や摂食障害に苦しむ傾向があり、彼女たちの病気は講座の読書では、社会関係から生じたものではなく、生得的なものとして説明されることが何度もありました。彼女は、そのような精神問題には社会的理由があると確信しました。これは、特に女性に関しては、生物学的説明がどのように使用され、誤用されるかに、関心を呼び起こしました。

2000年にアストン大学に到着し、神経画像に取り組み始めたとき、彼女は最新の強力な画像技術が、女性への研究でどのように使用されているかを調べることにしました。脳からの電気信号を研究するために、脳波検査などの技術がほぼ1世紀にわたってすでに使用されていました。しかし、1990年代には、磁気共鳴画像法[いわゆるMRI]により活動変化を追跡できる技術で、どの領域により多くの血流が現れるかを測定することで、研究分野を完全に刷新しました。新しい研究の爆発がありました。その多くは、目を引く色彩豊かな脳写真が付属していました。

この新技術の約束にもかかわらず、それが描いた画像は必ずしもかわいくありませんでした。特に女性にとっては。「私は、私たちが新たな脳画像の物語と性別の違いが現れてきた2008年に、検査をしました。私は衝撃を受けました」とリポンは言います。研究では、ほとんどすべてのことに関して、脳の性差が見られました。例として、精神的課題、誰かが読んだことを聞く、心理的ストレスへ反応する、感情を体験する、チョコレートを食べる、性刺激する写真を見る、さらには臭いがあります。同性愛の男性脳は、異性愛[ストレートは同性愛ではないという意味の隠語]の男性脳よりも、異性愛の女性脳との共通点が、はるかに多いとある人間は主張しました。「これは衝撃的だと思ったので、私はそれに引き込まれました。これは、女性が生殖器官を駄目にするので、女性は大学に行かないと言っていたのと、まったく同じように用いられているからです」と彼女は言います。

これらの脳研究のいくつかに、眉をひそめる[眉毛を上げるという英語慣用句は疑問が残るという意味である]のは、リポンだけではありませんでした。MRIは問題のある画像を生成します。雑音や誤検知の影響を簡単に受けます。画質に関しては、到達できる最高の解像度は1立方ミリメートル程度であり、多くの機器ではかなり低くなります。これは少量に聞こえるかもしれませんが、脳のように高密度の臓器になると、実際には大量です。わずか1立方ミリメートルに約10万個の神経細胞と10億個の接続を含めることができます。これらの限界を考えると、科学界の一部の人間は、脳画像を深読みしすぎているのではないかと、心配し始めました。

世界中で、静かな批判として始まったものが、増幅され始めました。2005年に、当時ニューハンプシャー州のダートマス大学1年生であったクレイグ・ベネットは機器試験をして[その結果]脳画像からは何でも読み取ることができるかもしれないことを、明らかにしてしまいました。冗談として、彼と同僚は、彼らが真剣な科学的研究が始まる下準備を助けるために、MRI機器に収容できる最も珍しい物体を探しました。彼らはカボチャから始まり、プラスチックで包まれた長さ18インチの成熟した大西洋サケで終わりました。数年後、ベネットは脳画像検査で偽の陽性反応[つまり脳波が流れていないか]の証拠を探していたときに、この古いサケの画像を掘り出しました。批判者が正しいことを証明し、最高の技術でさえ、誤解を招く可能性があることを示しました。魚の脳の真ん中には3つの小さな赤い活動領域が密接していたことを示しました。それは死んだ魚の脳[であるにも関わらず反応を示していました]。

サーモンの実験は面白いものでしたが、神経科学では、はるかに深刻な問題として見られるものを強調しました。べネットの魚実験の8年後、ネイチャー・レビューズ・ニャーロサイエンス誌は、神経科学研究の分析を発表し、疑わしい研究慣行は、信頼性の低い結果につながるという痛々しい結論に達しました。「生物医学研究から引き出された結論の多く(おそらくほとんど)がおそらく間違っていると主張され、実証された」とこの記事は始まりました。

著者は、大きな問題の1つは科学者が自分の研究を発表するという大きな圧力にさらされており、ジャーナルが統計的に有意と思われる結果を発表する傾向があることだと、説明しました。 大きな成果がなければ、学術雑誌が興味を持つ可能性が低くなります。「結果として、研究者は、調査結果が真の成果を反映する可能性を低下させたとしても、調査結果を迅速に公開できる研究慣行に取り組む強い誘因を持っている」と彼らは続けた。つまり、科学者は[学術雑誌の投稿に]人数の少ない標本を使用したり、実際の成果を誇張したりするなど、悪い研究をするように圧力を受けている。

インペリアル・カレッジ・ロンドンの脳科学責任者であるポール・マシューズは、MRIの初期の頃、多くの研究者自身も含めて、データの意図しない間違った解釈に捕らえられていたことを、認めています。「行われたエラーは、基本的な統計エラーです。私たちは皆、それらを作りました」と彼は言います。「私はそれについてもっと注意を払っていますが、私もそれらを作りました。それは非常に恥ずかしいことです。圧倒的多数ではないにせよ、ほとんどの人は違反するつもりはありません。彼らがしがちなのは、調査に興奮することであり、結果の重要性や求めているデータについて、度を超して言及してしまいます」

問題は、少なくとも認識されてはいます。そうであっても、リポンは、性差研究が引き続き悪い研究に苦しむと信じています。なぜならそれは注目を集める論点だからです。科学者や雑誌記者にとって、性差に関する興味深い研究は、そのまま世界的な宣伝に匹敵します。

実験と研究の大部分は、性差を示さない、と彼女は言います。しかし、それらは公開されるものではありません。「私はこれを氷山の一角と表現しています。水面より少し上にあり、これは最も小さく、最も目立つ部分なので、この領域で研究を公開するのは簡単だからです。しかしその下には、人々が違いを見分けられない、膨大な量があります。人々は氷山の一角だけを見ることになります。それは性差を確認するように見える研究です。

早稲田政治経済 2019問題4

【大問4 会話文】

Read this dialogue and answer the questions below.


Ship's officer:Excuse me, Captain. There seems to be a ship directly ahead of us.

Captain:Contact them on the radio and request they move out of our path.

Ship's officer:This is the aircraft carrier Valiant requesting that you change your course 3° to the south to avoid running into us.

Radio voice:Recommend you change your course 15° to the south to avoid running into us!

Captain:( A ) I'll speak to them directly. This is the captain. Alter your course 3° immediately. You are directly in our path.

Radio voice:Sorry, but we are unable to do that. I say again, change YOUR course to avoid a collision.

Captain:Now look here, this is a direct order. You will divert your course AT ONCE!

Radio voice:Terribly sorry, Captain, but we really do suggest that you agree to our request and move 15° to the south.

Captain:That's it! ( B ) you are talking to? This is the captain of the newest aircraft carrier in the navy, accompanied by three destroyers, three cruisers, and several support vessels. I demand that you move immediately, or I will take whatever action is necessary to ( C ). MOVE NOW!

Radio voice:Nice to meet you, Captain. This is the radio operator of the oldest lighthouse on the south coast. Hello...?



1 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to fill in blank space (A).

(a) How time flies!
(b) Look over here!
(c) Please take care!
(d) This is ridiculous!
(e) What an opportunity!


2 Use the six words below to fill in blank space (B) in the best way. Indicate your choices for the second, fourth, and sixth positions.

(a) any
(b) do
(c) have
(d) idea
(e) who
(f) you


3 Use the six words below to fill in blank space (C) in the best way. Indicate your choices for the second, fourth, and sixth positions.

(a) ensure
(b) of
(c) safety
(d) ship
(e) the
(f) this


4 Choose the most suitable answer from those below to complete the following sentence. The person speaking to the captain on the radio is

(a) afraid that the captain will become even angrier.
(b) feeling guilty about not following the captain's orders.
(c) having some fun by teasing the captain.
(d) unaware that the captain is in charge of an aircraft carrier.
(e) worried about the possibility of losing his job.


早稲田政治経済 2019問題4 解答

【大問4 会話文 解答】

1 (d)
2 2nd (f) 4th (a) 6th (e)
3 2nd (e) 4th (b) 6th (d)
4 (c)

早稲田政治経済 2019問題4 完成文

【大問4 会話文 完成文】

Ship's officer:Excuse me, Captain. There seems to be a ship directly ahead of us.

Captain:Contact them on the radio and request they move out of our path.

Ship's officer:This is the aircraft carrier Valiant requesting that you change your course 3° to the south to avoid running into us.

Radio voice:Recommend you change your course 15° to the south to avoid running into us!

Captain:This is ridiculous! I'll speak to them directly. This is the captain. Alter your course 3° immediately. You are directly in our path.

Radio voice:Sorry, but we are unable to do that. I say again, change YOUR course to avoid a collision.

Captain:Now look here, this is a direct order. You will divert your course AT ONCE!

Radio voice:Terribly sorry, Captain, but we really do suggest that you agree to our request and move 15° to the south.

Captain:That's it! Do you have any idea who you are talking to? This is the captain of the newest aircraft carrier in the navy, accompanied by three destroyers, three cruisers, and several support vessels. I demand that you move immediately, or I will take whatever action is necessary to ensure the safety of this ship. MOVE NOW!

Radio voice:Nice to meet you, Captain. This is the radio operator of the oldest lighthouse on the south coast. Hello...?

早稲田政治経済 2019問題4 全訳


【大問4 会話文 全訳】

乗組員:すみません、船長。私たちのすぐ前に船があるようです。

船長:無線機で彼らに連絡し、彼らが私たちの進路から出て行くように要求してください。

乗組員:こちらは航空母艦ヴァリアントであり、私たちとの衝突を避けるために、進度を南に3度変更するよう要求します。

無線音声:進度を南に15度変更することをお勧めします。

船長:これはばかげている!私が彼らに直接話します。こちらは船長です。進度をすぐに3度変更しなさい。あなたはまさに私たちの進路にいます。

無線音声:申し訳ありませんが、それはできません。繰り返しますが、衝突を避けるために進度を変更してください。

船長:さあ、こちらを見ろ。これは直接の命令だ。すぐに進路を変更しろ!

無線音声:船長、すみませんが、要求に同意して南に15度移動することをお勧めします。

船長:そこまでにしろ! 誰と話しているのかわかるか。こちらは3隻の駆逐艦、3隻の巡洋艦、およびいくつかの支援艦を伴う、海軍の最新空母の艦長です。すぐに移動するか、この船の安全確保に必要な措置を講じます。今すぐ移動!

無線音声:はじめまして、船長。これは、南海岸で最も古い灯台の無線技士です。こんにちは...。

早稲田政治経済 2019問題5

【大問5 自由英作文】

Read the statement below and write a paragraph giving at least two reasons why you agree or disagree with it.

Write your answer in English in the space provided on your written answer sheet. (It is suggested that you spend no more than 15 minutes on this section.)

Staement:"Every university student in Japan should be required to study abroad for at least one semester.”

早稲田政治経済 2019問題5 解答

【大問5 自由英作文 解答】

【大問5 自由英作文 賛成派 解答】

意見 I agree that every university student in Japan should be required to study abroad for at least one semester.

理由1 The first reason is that Japan needs global human resources. Japanese companies expand their business oversea more and more. It is likely that students with foreign experience are more employable.

理由2 The second reason is that learning foreign culture from youth is important. Young people are flexible thinkers so they can adapt to a new lifestyle. They will be affected by foreign students.

結論 For these reasons, it should be mandatory for Japanese students to study abroad for at least one semester.

(99WORDS)



【大問5 自由英作文 反対派 解答】

意見 I do not agree that every university student in Japan should be required to study abroad for at least one semester.

理由1 The first reason is that studying abroad will break the curriculum. Subjects are aligned in a row. It is an inefficient way of studying.

理由2 The second reason is that students have enough holiday. They had better study abroad during their holiday. Many countries take longer holidays than Japan. It is easier for students to manage their time than for adults.

結論 For these reasons, it should not be mandatory for Japanese students to study abroad for at least one semester.

(100WORDS)

早稲田政治経済 2019問題5 解説


【大問5 自由英作文 解説】
自由英作文。早稲田大学政治経済学部(早稲田政経)では、例年お題が与えられ、英単語数100語以上の自由英作文が出題されます。受験生は明確な意見を提示し、理由を2つ以上述べる必要があります。

2019年のお題は「日本の大学生に留学は必須とすべきかどうか」でした。

10代の受験生にも身近な話題なので、肯定か否定かは、意見が述べやすかったはずです。

なお、早稲田大学は公式には、自由英作文を15分以内に仕上げるように指示を出していますが、実際には20分を目安として執筆したほうが良いでしょう。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 賛成反対の立場を明確にする】

自由英作文では、まずは賛成反対の意見を明確にしましょう。どっちつかずの意見は減点になります。

賛成の場合はI agree that A shouldの構文を用います。

賛成なら I agree that every university student in Japan should be required to study abroad for at least one semester.で書き始めます。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 賛成派 理由1】

意見を述べたら、すぐに理由を簡潔に述べましょう。

理由を述べる場合はThe first reason is thatの構文を用います。

The first reason is that Japan needs global human resource.


【大問5 自由英作文  解説 グローバル人材】
○ global human resource
△ global workforce 

日本語の「グローバル人材」はglobal human resourceです。human resourceは人材や人事部などの、人間の職務能力を扱う経済用語です。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 日系企業はますます海外進出している】

Japanese companies expand their business oversea more and more.

「海外進出する」はexpand one's business overseaです。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 海外経験のある学生はより採用される可能性がある】

It is likely that students with foreign experience are more employable.

「Xの可能性がある」はIt is likely that Xです。

「海外経験のある学生」はstudents with foreign experienceです。

「雇われやすい」はbe employableです。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 賛成派 理由2】

理由をさらに追加する場合はThe second reason is thatの構文を用います。

The second reason is that learning foreign culture from youth is important.


ちなみに理由をさらに追加したい場合はThe third reason is thatやThe fourth reason is thatと続きます。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 若い時から海外文化を学ぶことは大事だ】

Learning foreign culture from youth is important.

「若い時から」はfrom youthです。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 若者は頭が柔らかいので適応できる】

Young people are flexible thinkers so they can adapt to a new lifestyle.

「頭が柔らかい」はflexible thinkerです。

「適応する」はadapt to a new lifestyleです。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 海外の学生から良い影響を受ける】

They will be affected by foreign students.

「影響を受ける」はbe affectedです。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 賛成派 結論】

それまでの理由をまとめてから結論を述べます。結論はFor these reasonsで書き出します。

For these reasons, it should be mandatory for Japanese students to study abroad for at least one semester.



【大問5 自由英作文 解説 賛成反対の立場を明確にする】

自由英作文では、まずは賛成反対の意見を明確にしましょう。どっちつかずの意見は減点になります。

反対の場合はI do not agree that X should構文を用います。

反対なら I do not agree that every university student in Japan should be required to study abroad for at least one semester.で書き始めます。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 反対派 理由1】

意見を述べたら、すぐに理由を簡潔に述べましょう。

理由を述べる場合はThe first reason is thatの構文を用います。

The first reason is that studying abroad will break the curriculum.


【大問5 自由英作文  解説 留学は勉強を中断させる】

○ Studying abroad will break the curriculum

△ Studying abroad will stop the curriculum

それまで「継続していたものを中断する」はbreakを用います。

stopは「物理的な速度を止める」というニュアンスがあり、ここではやや不適です。


【大問5 自由英作文  解説 科目は順番が決まっている】

○ Subjects are aligned in a row.
△ Subjects are aligned to the sequence.

「順番が決まっている」はare aligned in a rowになります。

be alignedは「並べられる」という意味です。

in a rowは「一列に」という意味です。


【大問5 自由英作文  解説 効率の悪い勉強方法だ】

It is an inefficient way of studying.

「効率の悪い」はinefficientです。

wayは可算名詞なのでa an theの冠詞に注意しましょう。

「勉強方法」はway of studyingです。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 反対派 理由2】

理由をさらに追加する場合はThe second reason is thatの構文を用います。

The second reason is that students have enough holiday.

ちなみに、理由をさらに追加したい場合はThe third reason is thatやThe fourth reason is thatと続きます。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 学生は十分な休日がある】

students have enough holiday.

「休日」はholidayです。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 休日に海外留学をすればよい】

They had better study abroad during their holiday.


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 日本よりも休日の長い国はたくさんある】

Many countries take longer holidays than Japan.


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 学生は社会人よりも時間を合わせやすい】

It is easier for students to manage their time than for adults

「Xしやすい」はIt is easy to Xの構文を用います。

「時間を合わせる」はmanage one's timeです。

「社会人」は、そのまま訳せる英単語が見当たりません。日本語の社会人には「社会の常識を身につけた一人前の人間」というニュアンスがありますのでadultがふさわしいでしょう。英語のadultは「自分で自分の責任を取ることができる人間」というニュアンスがあります。


【大問5 自由英作文 解説 反対派 結論】

それまでの理由をまとめてから結論を述べます。結論はFor these reasonsで書き出します。

For these reasons, it should not be mandatory for Japanese students to study abroad for at least one semester.



【参考文献】
英作文 早稲田大学データ 政治経済学部

英作文 対策講座 基本編

過去問 早稲田大学 傾向対策解答解説

過去問


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