早稲田社会科学 傾向対策解答解説 2019問題3

早稲田社会科学 傾向対策解答解説 2019問題3

早稲田社会科学 傾向対策解答解説 2019問題3

早稲田社会科学 傾向対策解答解説 2019問題3

早稲田大学社会学部の過去問2019年の解答・解説・全訳です。受験生の入試対策のためにプロ家庭教師が出題傾向を分析します。


【大学】

早稲田大学

【学部】

:社会学部


【問題】

2019年 問題


【形式】

:適語補充+文章理解

【表題】

:戸別調査の回収率下落が政策決定者を悩ませる Plunging response rates to household surveys worry policymakers.

【作者】

:エコノミスト The Economist

【対策】

:随筆文。文章に適切な語句を補充し、最後にまとめて内容理解が問われます。問題2から問題5は同じ形式です。文章内容は、英米圏における統計調査の実態をまとめています。統計調査にはどのような種類があり、社会階層によってどのように反応するかを読解しましょう。

【用語】

:統計学 データ 社会階層

【目安時間】

:20分


【プロ家庭教師 社会学部対策講座】


早稲田大学社会学部への合格対策カリキュラムを、プロ家庭教師に指導依頼できます。

スポンサーさん

早稲田社会科学 2019問題3


【問題3 読解問題】



次の英文を読んで下の問いに答えよ。解答はマーク解答用紙にマークせよ。

On a cold January evening, Clare walks the streets of north London, armed with a file of addresses and maps. She wants to interview people for Britain's Labour Force Survey (LFS), which is the basis for a host of important economic statistics including the unemployment rate. Her job, like that of many surveyors across the developed world, has been getting harder.

Corralling interviewees has always been tough, particularly in London. Clare sometimes feels like a private detective as she befriends porters to enter gated communities. "It was the rule to be welcomed in, whereas now you can't count on it," she says. Of the five doorbells she rings, the most positive answer is that now is “not a good time.” Clare is hopeful about the phone call arranged for the following day.

Response rates to surveys are plummeting all across the developed world. Last year only around 43% of households contacted by the British government responded to the LFS, down from 70% in 2001. In America the share of households responding to the Current Population Survey (CPS) has fallen from 94% to 85% over the same period. The rest of Europe and Canada have seen similar trends.

Poor response rates drain budgets, as it takes surveyors more effort to hunt down interviewees. In addition, a growing reluctance to give interviewers information threatens the quality of the data. Although politicians often complain about inaccurate election polls, when economic surveys are misleading there can be consequences for the public.

Household surveys derive their power from randomness. Since it is impractical to get every citizen to complete a long questionnaire regularly, statisticians interview what they hope is a representative sample instead. But some types of people are less likely to respond than others — people who live in flats rather than houses, for example. A study by Christopher Bollinger et al. matched data from the CPS with social-security records and found that poorer and very rich households were more likely to ignore surveyors than middle-income ones. Survey results will be skewed if the types of people who do not answer are different from those who do, or if certain types of people are more unwilling to answer some questions or are more likely to fib.

Statisticians try to correct for these problems. They can adjust the weight given to the answers from underrepresented groups, or fill in blanks with imputed answers based on those from similar people. To check, they can compare results from household surveys with official administrative data, such as tax records.

Worryingly, mounting evidence suggests that some of these corrections are failing. A study by Bruce Meyer et al. found a widening gulf between the income people declare in surveys and what administrative records suggest. Research by Britain's Behavioural Insights Team, a research group, has also found that the gap between the number of calories that Britons consume and what they report in household surveys widened between 1974 and 2008. Another study by Garry Barrett et al. compared household data with national-accounts data between 1969 and 2010 in America, Britain, Canada and Australia. It found that for every percentage-point decline in the response rate, the share of spending captured by household surveys fell by 0.8 percentage points.

For decades, governments have relied on household surveys to set policy. Besides using them to gauge economic indicators, many rely on them for census data. In America, the allocation of over 600 billion dollars of federal spending is based on the Census Bureau's estimates of the population. Undercounting even a single person can cost a government programme thousands of dollars.

Understanding why people shun surveys might help boost response rates. The most common reasons people give for refusing are that they do not care, that they worry about privacy or that they do not have the time (Clare reports that some non respondents spend 20 minutes explaining how busy they are). Another factor could be a weakening sense of civic duty — voter participation has also been falling. Over-surveying may also be to blame: the share of Americans reporting that they had been surveyed in the past year more than quadrupled between 1978 and 2003. Meyer et al. speculate that what once “was a rare chance to tell someone about your life, is now crowded out by an annoying onslaught of telemarketers and commercial surveyors."

Statisticians have been experimenting with methods of improving response rates: new ways to ask questions, or shorter questionnaires, for example. In addition, some surveys offer monetary incentives to get the most reluctant interviewees to respond, but such persistence can have drawbacks. One study found that frequent attempts to contact interviewees raised the average response rate, but lowered the average quality of answers.

Statisticians have also been exploring supplementary data sources, including administrative data. Such statistics come with two big advantages. One is that administrative data sets can include many more people and observations than is practical in a household survey, giving researchers the statistical power to run more detailed studies. Another advantage is that governments already collect them, so they can offer huge cost savings over household surveys. For instance, Finland's 2010 census, based on administrative records rather than surveys, cost its government just 850,000 Euro (1.1 million dollars) to produce. In contrast, America's government spent 12.3 billion dollars on its 2010 census, roughly 200 times as much on a per-person basis.

Recent advances in computing mean that researchers can now process vast data sets. However, in many developed countries (those in Scandinavia are exceptions), socioeconomic statistics are collected by several agencies, meaning that researchers who want to combine, say, health records with tax data, face formidable bureaucratic and legal challenges.

Governments in English-speaking countries are especially keen to experiment. In January HMRC, the British tax authority, started publishing real-time tax data as an "experimental statistic” for comparison with labour-market data from household surveys. Canada's main statistical agency often uses programmes which are based in part on administrative records. Last year, Britain passed the Digital Economy Act, which will give its Office of National Statistics the right to requisition data from other departments and from private sources for statistics-and-research purposes. America is exploring using such data as part of its 2020 census.

Administrative data do have certain limitations. They are not designed for use in statistical analyses. A data set on income taxes may be representative of the population receiving benefits or earning wages, but not the population as a whole. Most important, some things cannot be captured in administrative records, such as well-being, informal employment and religious affiliation.

When administrative data offer no alternative, household surveys, warts and all, will have to suffice. Statisticians can only fix a biased survey based on other data. In some cases, the only other source available is another survey.


The Economist. Plunging response rates to household surveys worry policymakers.



1. Which one of the following is closest in meaning to the word fib?

a. not be truthful
b. not be concerned
c. not be revealed
d. not be involved
e. not be contrived

2. Which one of the following is closest in meaning to the word imputed?

a. randomly chosen
b. fabricated
c. implicated
d. assigned
e. anonymous

3. Which one of the following is closest in meaning to the phrase crowded out?

a. made more forceful
b. made less spacious
c. made less ugly
d. made very unappealing
e. made very complicated


4. Which one of the following is closest in meaning to the phrase warts and all?

a. even with their malicious intent
b. even though they cause offense
c. in spite of their shortcomings
d. in spite of their designs
e. even with their generalities


5. According to this article, which THREE of the following are true?

a. People who conduct surveys in industrialized economies need to protect themselves from aggressive attitudes by interviewees.
b. North London is one of the best places in the United Kingdom to conduct surveys.
c. Lower response rates help to reduce the costs associated with gathering information on the labour force.
d. It is hard to get accurate demographic and economic information because many people are reluctant to provide their personal information.
e. One way to compensate for missing data in surveys in developing countries is to make statistical adjustments to survey results.
f. Administrative data can be a useful substitute for household survey data, but in the past researchers have faced organizational difficulties in utilizing these together.
g. Administrative data offers extra sources of information about people and can reduce the cost of household surveys.
h. It is possible to improve average response rates and the average quality of answers in household surveys by offering additional payment to interviewees.
i. Administrative data cannot be a complete substitute for household survey data because the former cannot cover all types of people.
j. The disparity between figures obtained from household surveys and administrative data is shrinking because the response rates of household surveys are declining.
k. Local governments prefer random data in household surveys because the cost of collecting information on local residents is too high.


6. Which one of the following best describes the main point of this article?

a. One way to raise response rates in developed countries is to inform people that participation in surveys is part of their civic duty.
b. Although technology can overcome problems related to analyzing data from multiple sources, human-created problems are posing new challenges for the use of survey data in developed countries.
c. There is no clear solution to fix the problem of low response rates in developed countries and household data is hard to obtain and difficult to supplement with other sources of data.
d. We should introduce successful approaches found in recent academic studies in order to boost response rates for household surveys in developed countries.
e. In order to raise response rates, those conducting household surveys in developed countries need to take into account the results of household surveys in developing countries.

早稲田社会科学 2019問題3 解答


【問題3 読解問題 解答】


1. a
2. d
3. d
4. c
5. d, g, i
6. c

早稲田社会科学 2019問題3 解説


【問題3 読解問題 解説】


随筆文。文章に適切な語句を補充し、最後にまとめて内容理解が問われます。問題2から問題5は同じ形式です。

文章内容は、英米圏における統計調査の実態をまとめています。統計調査にはどのような種類があり、社会階層によってどのように反応するかを読解しましょう。


【重要表現】


labor force labour force 労働力 意味解説例文

plummet プラメット 急落する 意味解説例文

impractical インプラクティカル 実現できない

skew スキュウ 歪める 意味解説例文

impute インピュート 転嫁する 意味解説例文

shun シャン 避ける 意味解説例文

onslaught オンスロート 猛攻撃 意味解説例文

vast バスト 膨大な 意味解説例文


be armed with: もともとは武器を持つ、つまり武装する、という意味ですが、これから何事かを成し遂げようとする際に必要な物を持つ、携帯するという意味で使われています。

corral: もともとは、家畜を囲いに入れる、という意味ですが、インタビューに応じてくれる人を、確保しておくことを意味します。日本語にも「囲い込む」という表現がありますね。

warts and all: wartは、いぼや木のこぶのことです。warts and allという成句で、欠点も含めてすべて、という意味で副詞的に使われます。

例文: Please accept yourself as you are, warts and all. (欠点も含めてすべて、ありのままの自分を受け入れて下さい)


早稲田社会科学 2019問題3 完成文


【問題3 読解問題  完成文】


On a cold January evening, Clare walks the streets of north London, armed with a file of addresses and maps. She wants to interview people for Britain's Labour Force Survey (LFS), which is the basis for a host of important economic statistics including the unemployment rate. Her job, like that of many surveyors across the developed world, has been getting harder.

Corralling interviewees has always been tough, particularly in London. Clare sometimes feels like a private detective as she befriends porters to enter gated communities. "It was the rule to be welcomed in, whereas now you can't count on it," she says. Of the five doorbells she rings, the most positive answer is that now is “not a good time.” Clare is hopeful about the phone call arranged for the following day.

Response rates to surveys are plummeting all across the developed world. Last year only around 43% of households contacted by the British government responded to the LFS, down from 70% in 2001. In America the share of households responding to the Current Population Survey (CPS) has fallen from 94% to 85% over the same period. The rest of Europe and Canada have seen similar trends.

Poor response rates drain budgets, as it takes surveyors more effort to hunt down interviewees. In addition, a growing reluctance to give interviewers information threatens the quality of the data. Although politicians often complain about inaccurate election polls, when economic surveys are misleading there can be consequences for the public.

Household surveys derive their power from randomness. Since it is impractical to get every citizen to complete a long questionnaire regularly, statisticians interview what they hope is a representative sample instead. But some types of people are less likely to respond than others — people who live in flats rather than houses, for example. A study by Christopher Bollinger et al. matched data from the CPS with social-security records and found that poorer and very rich households were more likely to ignore surveyors than middle-income ones. Survey results will be skewed if the types of people who do not answer are different from those who do, or if certain types of people are more unwilling to answer some questions or are more likely to fib.

Statisticians try to correct for these problems. They can adjust the weight given to the answers from underrepresented groups, or fill in blanks with imputed answers based on those from similar people. To check, they can compare results from household surveys with official administrative data, such as tax records.

Worryingly, mounting evidence suggests that some of these corrections are failing. A study by Bruce Meyer et al. found a widening gulf between the income people declare in surveys and what administrative records suggest. Research by Britain's Behavioural Insights Team, a research group, has also found that the gap between the number of calories that Britons consume and what they report in household surveys widened between 1974 and 2008. Another study by Garry Barrett et al. compared household data with national-accounts data between 1969 and 2010 in America, Britain, Canada and Australia. It found that for every percentage-point decline in the response rate, the share of spending captured by household surveys fell by 0.8 percentage points.

For decades, governments have relied on household surveys to set policy. Besides using them to gauge economic indicators, many rely on them for census data. In America, the allocation of over 600 billion dollars of federal spending is based on the Census Bureau's estimates of the population. Undercounting even a single person can cost a government programme thousands of dollars.

Understanding why people shun surveys might help boost response rates. The most common reasons people give for refusing are that they do not care, that they worry about privacy or that they do not have the time (Clare reports that some non respondents spend 20 minutes explaining how busy they are). Another factor could be a weakening sense of civic duty — voter participation has also been falling. Over-surveying may also be to blame: the share of Americans reporting that they had been surveyed in the past year more than quadrupled between 1978 and 2003. Meyer et al. speculate that what once “was a rare chance to tell someone about your life, is now crowded out by an annoying onslaught of telemarketers and commercial surveyors."

Statisticians have been experimenting with methods of improving response rates: new ways to ask questions, or shorter questionnaires, for example. In addition, some surveys offer monetary incentives to get the most reluctant interviewees to respond, but such persistence can have drawbacks. One study found that frequent attempts to contact interviewees raised the average response rate, but lowered the average quality of answers.

Statisticians have also been exploring supplementary data sources, including administrative data. Such statistics come with two big advantages. One is that administrative data sets can include many more people and observations than is practical in a household survey, giving researchers the statistical power to run more detailed studies. Another advantage is that governments already collect them, so they can offer huge cost savings over household surveys. For instance, Finland's 2010 census, based on administrative records rather than surveys, cost its government just 850,000 Euro (1.1 million dollars) to produce. In contrast, America's government spent 12.3 billion dollars on its 2010 census, roughly 200 times as much on a per-person basis.

Recent advances in computing mean that researchers can now process vast data sets. However, in many developed countries (those in Scandinavia are exceptions), socioeconomic statistics are collected by several agencies, meaning that researchers who want to combine, say, health records with tax data, face formidable bureaucratic and legal challenges.

Governments in English-speaking countries are especially keen to experiment. In January HMRC, the British tax authority, started publishing real-time tax data as an "experimental statistic” for comparison with labour-market data from household surveys. Canada's main statistical agency often uses programmes which are based in part on administrative records. Last year, Britain passed the Digital Economy Act, which will give its Office of National Statistics the right to requisition data from other departments and from private sources for statistics-and-research purposes. America is exploring using such data as part of its 2020 census.

Administrative data do have certain limitations. They are not designed for use in statistical analyses. A data set on income taxes may be representative of the population receiving benefits or earning wages, but not the population as a whole. Most important, some things cannot be captured in administrative records, such as well-being, informal employment and religious affiliation.

When administrative data offer no alternative, household surveys, warts and all, will have to suffice. Statisticians can only fix a biased survey based on other data. In some cases, the only other source available is another survey.

早稲田社会科学 2019問題3 全訳


【問題3 読解問題  全訳】



On a cold January evening, Clare walks the streets of north London, armed with a file of addresses and maps. She wants to interview people for Britain's Labour Force Survey (LFS), which is the basis for a host of important economic statistics including the unemployment rate. Her job, like that of many surveyors across the developed world, has been getting harder.

1月の寒い夜、クレアは住所と地図のファイルを抱えてロンドン北部の通りを歩きます。彼女は英国の労働力調査(LFS)のためにインタビューしようとしています。これが失業率を含む多くの重要な経済統計の基礎になるのです。彼女の仕事は、先進国の多くの調査員の仕事同様、だんだん難しくなってきています。

Corralling interviewees has always been tough, particularly in London. Clare sometimes feels like a private detective as she befriends porters to enter gated communities. "It was the rule to be welcomed in, whereas now you can't count on it," she says. Of the five doorbells she rings, the most positive answer is that now is “not a good time.” Clare is hopeful about the phone call arranged for the following day.

インタビューに応じてくれる人を確保しておくのは、特にロンドンではこれまでもずっと大変なことでした。ゲート付きのコミュニティに入るためにポーターと仲良くなる時、クレアはまるで私立探偵になった気分です。 「以前は快く中に入れてもらえたものだけど、今はそれも当てにできない」と彼女は言います。彼女が5軒の玄関のベルを鳴らしても、最も肯定的な答えが、今は「ちょっと都合が悪い」というものです。クレアは翌日に電話の約束をして、それに期待します。

Response rates to surveys are plummeting all across the developed world. Last year only around 43% of households contacted by the British government responded to the LFS, down from 70% in 2001. In America the share of households responding to the Current Population Survey (CPS) has fallen from 94% to 85% over the same period. The rest of Europe and Canada have seen similar trends.

調査に対する回答率は、先進国全体で急落しています。 昨年、英国政府から連絡を受けた世帯でLFSに回答したのはわずかに43%で、2001年の70%から減少しました。アメリカでは、人口動態調査(CPS)に回答した世帯の割合は、同時期に94%から85%に低下しています。その他のヨーロッパとカナダでも同様の傾向が見られます。

Poor response rates drain budgets, as it takes surveyors more effort to hunt down interviewees. In addition, a growing reluctance to give interviewers information threatens the quality of the data. Although politicians often complain about inaccurate election polls, when economic surveys are misleading there can be consequences for the public.

回答率が低いと、調査員がインタビュー対象者を探し回るのにより多くの努力が必要になるため、予算が浪費されます。さらに、調査員に情報を提供するのを嫌がる人が多くなっているため、データの品質が危ぶまれます。政治家は不確かな選挙投票について不満を述べることが多いですが、経済調査が誤った方向を示すと、国民に影響を与える可能性があります。

Household surveys derive their power from randomness. Since it is impractical to get every citizen to complete a long questionnaire regularly, statisticians interview what they hope is a representative sample instead. But some types of people are less likely to respond than others — people who live in flats rather than houses, for example. A study by Christopher Bollinger et al. matched data from the CPS with social-security records and found that poorer and very rich households were more likely to ignore surveyors than middle-income ones. Survey results will be skewed if the types of people who do not answer are different from those who do, or if certain types of people are more unwilling to answer some questions or are more likely to fib.

世帯調査は無作為であることで力を得ます。すべての市民に定期的に長いアンケートに回答してもらうことは実際にはできないので、その代わりに統計学者は代表的なサンプルに成りうると彼らが思う事柄をインタビューします。しかし、あるタイプの人々は回答してくれる可能性が低くなります。たとえば、戸建てではなくアパートに住んでいる人々です。クリストファー・ボリンジャーらは、CPSのデータを社会保障の記録と照合し、貧しい家庭と非常に裕福な世帯が中所得者よりも調査員を無視する可能性が高いことを発見しました。回答しない人のタイプが回答する人のタイプと異なる場合、または特定のタイプの人がいくつかの質問に答えたくない、またはごまかしをしそうな場合に、調査結果は歪曲されます。

Statisticians try to correct for these problems. They can adjust the weight given to the answers from underrepresented groups, or fill in blanks with imputed answers based on those from similar people. To check, they can compare results from household surveys with official administrative data, such as tax records.

統計学者はこれらの問題に修正を試みます。 彼らは、過小評価されているグループからの回答に与えるウエイトを調整したり、空欄を類似の人々からの回答に基づくと見做せる回答で埋めたりすることができます。 確認のために、彼らは世帯調査の結果を税務記録などの公式の行政データと比較できます。

Worryingly, mounting evidence suggests that some of these corrections are failing. A study by Bruce Meyer et al. found a widening gulf between the income people declare in surveys and what administrative records suggest. Research by Britain's Behavioural Insights Team, a research group, has also found that the gap between the number of calories that Britons consume and what they report in household surveys widened between 1974 and 2008. Another study by Garry Barrett et al. compared household data with national-accounts data between 1969 and 2010 in America, Britain, Canada and Australia. It found that for every percentage-point decline in the response rate, the share of spending captured by household surveys fell by 0.8 percentage points.

心配なのは、これらの修正のいくつかが失敗していると示す証拠が増えていることです。 ブルース・マイヤーらによる研究では、 人々が調査で述べた収入と行政記録が示すものとの間に溝が広がっているのがわかりました。 英国の行動分析チームという調査グループによる研究でも、英国人が消費するカロリーと世帯調査で彼らが報告するカロリーとの間のギャップが1974年から2008年の間に広がったことがわかりました。 ギャリー・バレットらによる別の研究でも、 アメリカ、イギリス、カナダ、オーストラリアの世帯データを1969年から2010年の国民経済計算データと比較したところ、回答率が1%低下する毎に、世帯調査で得られた支出割合が0.8%低下していることがわかりました。

For decades, governments have relied on household surveys to set policy. Besides using them to gauge economic indicators, many rely on them for census data. In America, the allocation of over 600 billion dollars of federal spending is based on the Census Bureau's estimates of the population. Undercounting even a single person can cost a government programme thousands of dollars.

何十年もの間、各国政府は政策の決定を世帯調査に頼ってきました。 経済指標を測定するためにそれらを利用するのに加え、国勢調査データとしても依拠しています。 アメリカでは、6000億ドルを超える連邦政府支出の割り当ては、国勢調査局の人口推計に基づいています。たった一人過小評価しても、政府のプログラムに数千ドルのコストをかけることになりうるのです。

Understanding why people shun surveys might help boost response rates. The most common reasons people give for refusing are that they do not care, that they worry about privacy or that they do not have the time (Clare reports that some non respondents spend 20 minutes explaining how busy they are). Another factor could be a weakening sense of civic duty — voter participation has also been falling. Over-surveying may also be to blame: the share of Americans reporting that they had been surveyed in the past year more than quadrupled between 1978 and 2003. Meyer et al. speculate that what once “was a rare chance to tell someone about your life, is now crowded out by an annoying onslaught of telemarketers and commercial surveyors."

人々が調査を避ける理由を理解することが、回答率を上げる役に立つかもしれません。 拒否する理由として最も多いのは、どうでもよい、プライバシーについて心配している、時間がない、ということです(非回答者の中には、自分がどれほど忙しいかを説明するために20分を費やす人もいたとクレアは報告しています)。 もう1つの要因は、市民としての義務感の低下にあるかもしれません。有権者の参加も低下しています。 過剰な調査も非難されるべきなのかもしれません。過去1年間に調査されたと回答したアメリカ人の割合は、1978年から2003年の間に4倍以上になりました。 メイヤーらは「かつてはあなたの人生について誰かに話すまれな機会だったものが、今やテレマーケティングや宣伝のための調査の煩わしい猛攻撃が溢れているからだろう」と推測しています。

Statisticians have been experimenting with methods of improving response rates: new ways to ask questions, or shorter questionnaires, for example. In addition, some surveys offer monetary incentives to get the most reluctant interviewees to respond, but such persistence can have drawbacks. One study found that frequent attempts to contact interviewees raised the average response rate, but lowered the average quality of answers.

専門家は、回答率を改善する方法を試みてきました。質問の仕方を新しくしたり、アンケートを短くしたのがその例です。 さらに、一部の調査では、最も消極的なインタビュー対象者に回答してもらうための金銭的インセンティブを提供していますが、そのような執拗さには欠点がある場合があります。 ある調査では、インタビュー対象者への連絡を頻繁に行うと、平均回答率が上がるが、回答の平均的な品質が低下することがわかりました。

Statisticians have also been exploring supplementary data sources, including administrative data. Such statistics come with two big advantages. One is that administrative data sets can include many more people and observations than is practical in a household survey, giving researchers the statistical power to run more detailed studies. Another advantage is that governments already collect them, so they can offer huge cost savings over household surveys. For instance, Finland's 2010 census, based on administrative records rather than surveys, cost its government just 850,000 Euro (1.1 million dollars) to produce. In contrast, America's government spent 12.3 billion dollars on its 2010 census, roughly 200 times as much on a per-person basis.

統計学者はまた、行政データを含む補足的なデータソースを探してきました。 そのような統計には2つの大きな利点があります。 1つは、行政データセットには、世帯調査が実用的である点と比べて、より多くの人と観測を含めることができるので、研究者がさらに詳細な研究を行うための統計的な力を得ることができることです。 もう一つの利点は、政府がすでにそれらを収集しているため、世帯調査の大幅なコスト削減ができることです。 たとえば、フィンランドでは、調査ではなく行政記録に基づいて2010年の国勢調査を行い、政府はわずかに85万ユーロ(110万ドル)を費やしただけでした。 対照的に、アメリカ政府は、2010年の国勢調査に123億ドルを費やしており、一人当たりおよそ200倍に当たります。

Recent advances in computing mean that researchers can now process vast data sets. However, in many developed countries (those in Scandinavia are exceptions), socioeconomic statistics are collected by several agencies, meaning that researchers who want to combine, say, health records with tax data, face formidable bureaucratic and legal challenges.

コンピューティングの最近の進歩により、研究者は膨大なデータセットを処理できるようになりました。 ただし、多くの先進国(スカンジナビア諸国は除いて)では、社会経済統計はいくつかの機関により収集されます。それは、つまり、たとえば研究者が健康記録と納税データを組み合わせようと思うと、手強い官僚的で法的な課題に直面することを意味します。

Governments in English-speaking countries are especially keen to experiment. In January HMRC, the British tax authority, started publishing real-time tax data as an "experimental statistic” for comparison with labour-market data from household surveys. Canada's main statistical agency often uses programmes which are based in part on administrative records. Last year, Britain passed the Digital Economy Act, which will give its Office of National Statistics the right to requisition data from other departments and from private sources for statistics-and-research purposes. America is exploring using such data as part of its 2020 census.

英語圏の政府は特に熱心に実験をしています。 1月、イギリスの税務当局であるHMRCは、世帯調査の労働市場データと比較するための「実験的統計」としてリアルタイムの税データの公開を開始しました。カナダの主要な統計局は、行政記録に部分的に基づくプログラムを頻繁に使用しています。昨年、 英国はデジタル経済法を可決し、国家統計局は他の部門や民間の情報源からデータを統計調査の目的で請求する権利を有することになりました。アメリカは、そのようなデータを2020年国勢調査の一部として使用することを検討しています。

Administrative data do have certain limitations. They are not designed for use in statistical analyses. A data set on income taxes may be representative of the population receiving benefits or earning wages, but not the population as a whole. Most important, some things cannot be captured in administrative records, such as well-being, informal employment and religious affiliation.

行政データには限界があります。 統計分析で使用するように設計されていないのです。 所得税に関するデータセットは、給付を受けるか賃金を稼ぐ人口を表すかもしれませんが、全体としての人口ではありません。 最も重要なことは、幸福、非公式な雇用、宗教的所属など、行政記録に記録できないものがある点です。

When administrative data offer no alternative, household surveys, warts and all, will have to suffice. Statisticians can only fix a biased survey based on other data. In some cases, the only other source available is another survey.

行政データが代替案を提供しないなら、世帯調査が、長所も短所も含めて、それを満たさなければなりません。 統計担当者は、他のデータに基づいて偏った調査の修正ができるだけです。 場合によっては、他に利用できる情報源は別の調査だけ、ということになります。


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